ON JULY 11, 2005, WITH great nuance and tact, Canadaâ€™s Chief of Defence Staff General Hillier described the forces arrayed against the NATO mission in Afghanistan: â€œThese are detestable murderers and scumbags, Iâ€™ll tell you that right up front. They detest our freedoms, they detest our society, they detest our liberties.â€
This was not Canadian officialdomâ€™s typical line on operations abroad. Canadaâ€™s Haiti mission, for example, is framed in terms of â€œhelpingâ€ Haitians with democracy. Although the Prime Ministerâ€™s Special Advisor on Haiti, Denis Coderre, occasionally uses violent language about â€œterroristsâ€ (following the normal practice of presenting such labels without evidence) to describe Haitiâ€™s ousted Lavalas government, for the most part Canadaâ€™s foreign policy is presented to the public as â€œpeacekeeping,â€ helping those â€œfailed statesâ€ to build â€œcapacity.â€ Canadian military operations are likewise presented as somehow peaceable.
Hillier was explicitly trying to dispel this image, and not merely with the tactics of demonization (â€œdetestable scumbagsâ€), fear and racism (â€œthey detest our freedomsâ€), and repetition (â€œthey detest our libertiesâ€). Hillier also wanted to dispel perceptions of the Canadian military as a peaceable, humanitarian force in world affairs: â€œWe are the Canadian Forces, and our job is to be able to kill people.â€
Hillier continued the fear campaign: â€œOsama bin Laden, some time ago, indicated Canada was a target,â€ he said on Canadian TV. â€œAs a responsible citizen of the world, we have been involved in the campaign against terrorism, and, of course, we try to bring stability to places that are unstable and therefore have acted as hotbeds for supporting terrorism. All that, I think, does make us a target.â€
To use military language, Hillier created an â€œopeningâ€ that Major General Andrew Leslie exploited at a conference in August called â€œHandcuffs and Hand Grenades.â€ â€œAfghanistan is a 20-year venture,â€ he said, but â€œthere are things worth fighting for. There are things worth dying for. There are things worth killing for.â€ Explaining why Canada had to be in Afghanistan for 20 years, Leslie said it was because â€œevery time you kill an angry young man overseas, youâ€™re creating 15 more who will come after you.â€
It doesnâ€™t take a military genius to recognize that Hillier and Leslie are making self-contradictory statements. If every time Canada kills someone overseas itâ€™s creating 15 â€œangry young men,â€ does that make those 15 people â€œdetestable scumbags?â€ If killing is so incredibly counterproductive, does it make sense to proudly announce that â€œour job is to be able to kill people?â€ And if every killing of these â€œdetestable scumbagsâ€ creates 15 more enemies, should that really be considered a goal â€œworth killing for?â€
Hillier and Leslieâ€™s comments can be understood as media operations intended to legitimize a more aggressive military role for Canada in the world. That their speeches sound like warmed-over propaganda scripts of American neoconservatives should not be surprising, since the US is the only possible contemporary model Canada could have for aggressive militarism. But the comments by the generals are more aggressive than Canadaâ€™s official foreign policy doctrine. That doctrine was more systematically expounded by Canadaâ€™s Foreign Minister Bill Graham in a speech in September on Canadaâ€™s Afghan Mission.
In that speech, Graham described the ideology motivating Canadaâ€™s more aggressive posture. The idea is that there are â€œfailed statesâ€ from which danger â€œleaks outâ€ into other areas. Afghanistan fits into this scheme as a country with an â€œunfortunate history of war and misruleâ€¦ culminating in the rule of the Taliban and their support for al-Qaeda and their attack on New York.â€
While there may seem to be a large space between Grahamâ€™s â€œhelpingâ€ approach and Hillier/Leslieâ€™s â€œkill peopleâ€ approach, Canadaâ€™s real foreign policy path is actually rather narrow: it involves supporting and legitimizing US foreign policy, whether through â€œfailed stateâ€ rhetoric, military support, or profitable arms manufacturing. Canadaâ€™s Afghan mission fits the bill on all counts.
Canada in Afghanistan
IN 2002, CANADA sent 800 soldiers to Kandahar to join operations with the United States. In April of that year, Canada took its worst casualties in the mission when four Canadians were killed by bombs from a US F-16.
According to Graham, Canada then â€œspearheaded the effort to have NATO take over the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Kabulâ€ from the United Nations. Today ISAF has 8,000 troops from 35 countries, with Canada contributing some 2,600 troops. In August 2005, Canada sent another 250 troops to Kandahar, along with officials from the Canadian International Development Agency, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and Foreign Affairs. In February 2006, Canada will be adding a headquarters in Kandahar, with 350 troops commanding the international force and an addition 1,000 troops as a one-year task force.
Given that Canada has roughly the same population as Afghanistan and very limited military resources, the Afghanistan deployment is a major foreign policy effort.
NATOâ€™s Real Mission
ISAF WAS TAKEN OVER by NATO in August 2003, in its first ever mission outside the Euro-Atlantic region. ISAF was initially established by the United Nations to ostensibly provide security in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban, but its greatest failure was that it was restricted to the capital, Kabul, because of strong pressure from the US. In rural provinces, which comprise the majority of Afghanistan, peacekeeping troops could have made a huge difference in bringing order. Instead, these areas are overrun by US backed militias, warlords, local commanders, and US troops engaged in their â€œhuntâ€ for Al Qaeda and Taliban. US troops collaborate directly with local authoritarian warlords, rewarding them with weapons and aid in exchange for â€œintelligenceâ€ on Al Qaeda and Taliban.
As a result, since the fall of the Taliban, the country has become a progressively more dangerous place. This year, more US soldiers were killed in Afghanistan than in any previous year, and warlords are more entrenched than ever. Meanwhile, according to United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) estimates, the amount of land dedicated to opium poppy cultivation has risen to up to eight and a half times the amount for 2001. If ISAFâ€™s real goal was peacekeeping, US actions have directly hindered that goal. But perhaps â€œpeacekeepingâ€ was never the mission of ISAF.
When asked by one of this articleâ€™s co-authors, Sonali Kolhatkar, what ISAF does on an on-going basis, NATO/ISAF spokesperson Major Karen Tissot Van Patot (a Canadian), stationed in Kabul, said that ISAFâ€™s goal is to â€œprovide a secure and stable environment.â€ When pressed for details, she explained that in Kabul, where ISAFâ€™s headquarters is located, ISAF and the Afghan central government work closely: â€œWe work togetherâ€¦ [we provide] whatever they need. Whatever they ask forâ€¦. Weâ€™re here at the behest of the government to provide them with assistance.â€
Given that Hamid Karzai, the head of the new Afghan government, was propelled into power by the US, and remains protected by US forces, itâ€™s fair to conclude that NATO is in Afghanistan at the behest of the US government. This includes strategically providing the Karzai government with security for the US-designed nation-wide presidential and parliamentary elections which attracted international media attention.
The real goal is not peacekeeping, but rather the illusion of peacekeeping so as to make the installation of a US-friendly regime palatable to Afghanis. ISAFâ€™s intense propaganda efforts attest to this. Kabul city sports huge billboards advertising ISAFâ€™s contributions to the Afghan people. ISAF also runs radio and TV stations in the local languages to highlight the benevolence of the foreign troops. At the heart of NATOâ€™s job as ISAF is an effort to â€œwin the hearts and mindsâ€ of the Afghan people. This benefits all Western forces present, including the US.
NATOâ€™s main propaganda effort is in the form of Provincial Reconstruction Teams, which are groups of soldiers engaged in a strange mix of providing security, carrying out small reconstruction and humanitarian projects, and eliciting intelligence information. US troops pioneered the use of Provincial Reconstruction Teams, and NATO forces are following suit. In response to years of calls from aid agencies, human rights groups, and even the Karzai government, ISAF began expanding its mandate outside Kabul. But instead of real peacekeeping â€“ disarmament, protecting civilians from armed groups, etc. â€“ the expansion was done through the use of Provincial Reconstruction Teams. Today, ISAF has ten such teams in various Afghan provinces.
The aid provided by Provincial Reconstruction Teams is minuscule compared to the nationâ€™s needs, and far more expensive than that provided by aid agencies. Ultimately, the main goal of Provincial Reconstruction Teams is to impress upon the Afghans that Western forces are there to help them through delivery of food, construction of schools, wells, etc. Meanwhile, the Provincial Reconstruction Teams have angered many aid agencies who bitterly complain that mixing military and humanitarian projects jeopardizes aid workers, and holds the receiving population hostage to military demands. InterAction, a coalition of 159 organizations including Doctors Without Borders, CARE, and Oxfam America â€œdoes not believe the military members of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams should be engaged in humanitarian and reconstruction activities.â€
Ultimately, NATO (and Canadian) forces serve US interests in Afghanistan. NATO has had to re-invent itself to suit US needs, and create a role for itself in a post-Cold War world. In October 2001, NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson declared his hope that NATO would be part of whatever response the US decided upon after 9-11: â€œWe stand together. Europe and North America are one single security spaceâ€¦the events of September 11 have not invalidated NATOâ€™s pre-September agenda. If anything, they have reinforced the logic of that agendaâ€¦if the US Congress asks the Europeans â€œwhat have you done for me lately?â€ â€“ we should be ready to give a decent answer.
IF THE UNITED States justifies its international aggression in terms of its own national interests and security (as Hillier and Leslie were trying to do for Canada), Canadaâ€™s politicians prefer to suggest that the real beneficiaries of our military maneuvers are in the countries targeted for intervention. Bill Graham expressed it this way: â€œWhen I hear voices who call for the withdrawal of our troops, who suggest that we are engaged there in a war against Islam, as a recent visiting British politician suggested, I say: Let them talk to the Afghans, Afghans who are Muslims themselves, Afghans who want us there to help them transform their country and allow them to live decent lives; to allow them to conduct fair and democratic elections free from fear and intimidation.â€
â€˜Let them talk to the Afghansâ€™, indeed. Doing so might yield different prescriptions than Grahamâ€™s, however.
In 2004, the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), a government-funded agency, conducted a nationwide survey of the Afghan people. Their results were published in a report entitled â€œA Call for Justice,â€ which showed that a majority of Afghans consider themselves victims of war, whether at the hands of the Mujahadeen, the Taliban, and/or the Soviet Union, and want an end to war, and justice for war crimes. Western governments like Canada could provide constructive help to the Afghan people to bring war criminals and their benefactors to justice. The trouble is that the main benefactors are the US and its allies, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, who provided weapons, training, and funding for the war criminals.
Another strong desire among Afghans is nation-wide disarmament. In 2004, Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium (HRRAC), a coalition of humanitarian organizations, published a report based on another survey called â€œTake the Guns Away.â€ When asked what was the most important thing to do to improve security in Afghanistan, 65 percent of Afghans surveyed said disarmament. This number was much higher â€“ 87 percent â€“ in the province of Mazar-e-Sharif where US-backed warlords often clashed. Western nations could fully fund disarmament projects in Afghanistan. Instead, highly selective and politicized disarmament has taken place, leaving intact most of the privately-run warlord militias. Full disarmament would run counter to the US practice of condoning arms proliferation at best, and at worst, actually engaging in arms proliferation.
The most frequently mentioned human rights desired by respondents of the HRRAC survey included â€œethnic, religious and gender equality; political rights such as the right to participate in free and fair elections; and the right to education.â€ Even though the Bush administration often cites that millions of Afghan girls are now attending school, there are very few schools in rural areas, and those that are in operation have curriculums limited to Islamic studies, reminiscent of Taliban-era education for boys. RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan, has been fighting for womenâ€™s rights for decades. Their schools, which teach a balanced curriculum based on gender, ethnic and religious tolerance, and womenâ€™s rights, are facing closure due to lack of funds. Western nations could greatly benefit Afghanistan by fully funding schools designed and led by Afghan women. To date, only a small fraction of aid to Afghanistan goes toward education.
Much is made of womenâ€™s rights after the fall of the Taliban. It is indeed true that some women, particularly in Kabul, enjoy greater freedom to appear in public, dress the way they want, and have the right to housing, jobs, education, and healthcare. However, for millions of Afghan women outside Kabul this means very little. A woman in a rural province had no education, healthcare, or employment before the Taliban came to power. She then had those things legally denied to her by the Taliban. After the fall of the Taliban, she still has no education, healthcare, or employment, even though she has legal rights. For all practical purposes, her life is no different compared to before or during the Taliban. Western nations could truly support Afghan womenâ€™s rights by moving beyond token, high-profile projects, and instead funding easily accessible education, healthcare and jobs for all women in Afghanistan. These projects should be designed and run by Afghan women, who best understand what they need.
The largest segment of Afghanistanâ€™s economy is based on the drug trade, revived by US-backed warlords and regional commanders. Instead of criminalizing poor farmers for growing poppies, Western nations could help Afghans reduce their dependency on a drug economy by providing full compensation to farmers who have gone into debt to grow and harvest opium. Additionally, farmers could be assisted with alternative and sustainable farming that would benefit their families and their country.
The problem, of course, is that focusing on constructive projects such as those mentioned above would benefit only the Afghans, and not US, Canadian, or NATO interests. They would strengthen the people of Afghanistan and enrich their democratic development, while weakening the power of US and Afghan warlords.
Why is Canada involved?
CANADAâ€™S NEW FOREIGN policy doctrine of â€œresponsibility to protectâ€ the people of â€œfailed statesâ€ misplaces the emphasis. The doctrine suggests that the reasons for Canadaâ€™s intervention are to be found in the countries in which we intervene: Afghanistan suffered from â€œmisrule,â€ Haiti is a â€œfailed state.â€ The true reasons for Canadaâ€™s interventions, rather, is to be found in the relationship between Canada and the United States.
During the US invasion and occupation of Vietnam, Canadian corporations profited by supplying the American military, and Canadian diplomats ran interference for the US in the â€œInternational Control Commission,â€ a â€œneutralâ€ body that was supposed to monitor the conflict between the US and the Vietnamese. Then, as now, Canadaâ€™s image as more multilateral, less militaristic and imperialistic, was a useful counterpoint to the aggressive posture of the US. Canada could use its good reputation to play the â€œgood copâ€ to the US â€œbad cop,â€ thus providing tactical support in accomplishing US foreign policy goals.
The same relationship holds today. Canada presents itself as a friend to those countries it is intervening in, with a â€œ3-D approachâ€ (defence, diplomacy, and development assistance) as an option over the more unilateral and aggressive approach of the US. If, as a consequence, Canadian corporations like Bell win a one billion dollar contract with the US military to supply helicopters, or CAE wins a $20 million contract to supply combat simulation technology, perhaps that is just another â€œdimensionâ€ to be added to the 3-D approach.
Because the real reasons for intervention are not genuine help and solidarity, Canadaâ€™s deployment in Afghanistan has little relationship to what the people of that country actually need. Instead, under the guise of helping Afghanistan, Canada is actually providing a kind face to US contravention of the laws of war. In spite of mountains of evidence exposing US torture and murder of detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan (never mind Canadaâ€™s own experience with its troops torturing a youth to death in Somalia in the 1990s), Canadian troops are capturing people and handing them over to the US in Afghanistan. The US, the â€œdetainee authorityâ€ in Afghanistan, defines people it captures as â€œunlawful combatantsâ€ and denies them Geneva Convention protections. If pronouncements by Rumsfeld or Bush about â€œhating our freedomâ€ found their Canadian echo in Hillier and Leslie, US Attorney General Alberto Gonzalesâ€™s comment about the Geneva Conventions being â€œquaintâ€ found its Canadian echo in Brigadier General Mike Ward, who in September 2005 talked to the Canadian Press about how Canadian forces have killed and captured Afghanis in coordination with the US. On the US record of torture of detainees and the use of the â€œunlawful combatantâ€ label to justify contravening the Geneva Conventions, Ward said, â€œItâ€™s the fact of the treatment that we specifically get into detail about, not whether in fact their status is identified as â€˜prisoner of warâ€™ or â€˜unlawful combatant.â€™â€
Where the US military leads in the â€œwar on terror,â€ Canada follows. The Canadian engagement in Afghanistan enables Canada to be a useful tool of American imperialism, a junior member of the â€œwinning team.â€ The price of accommodation with empire is high for all involved. Those whose sovereignty is violated get the worst of it, facing hunger, disease, bombs, torture, and death. But for the accomplices, there is a steady diet of fear and racism, as well as the erosion of democracy, ethics, and even basic logic. That Canada is experiencing such erosion is evidenced by Major General Leslie being able to hold up a claim that killing young men overseas is worth dying for.
Sonali Kolhatkar is the co-Director of the Afghan Womenâ€™s Mission and the host/producer of Uprising, which airs Monday-Friday on KPFK, Pacifica radio in Los Angeles. She visited Afghanistan in February 2005, and has co-authored a book about US policy in Afghanistan due out in Spring 2006.
Justin Podur is a writer and editor at ZNet. He has reported from Haiti, Venezuela, Colombia, Israel/Palestine, and other countries, and is based in Toronto.