Now here’s a horrendously bad piece of thinking from a usually terrific website that occasionally lets loyalty to a political party trump common sense. Cynthia Boaz, who has written much better stuff, writes:
"In the wake of Sen. Patrick Leahy’s (somewhat) surprising and determined call for a Truth Commission to investigate the abuses of the Bush-Cheney administration, the Obama administration has been – to many progressives and those on the left of center – disturbingly silent. It’s safe to say that the president’s less-than-forceful position on the issue has been a source of intense criticism and skepticism from the left about the president’s sincerity regarding his claims to promote a new era of transparency and accountability in American politics."
True enough. This is not the horrendous part yet. But let’s be a little wary of characterizing something as leftist when there has only been one poll published, which found that: 38% of Americans want criminal investigations, 24% want an independent panel, and 34% want nothing. Those 34% who want nothing done are not the mainstream, the silent majority, or the sane middle ground. Many of them, politically speaking, are certifiable lunatics. The 62% who want something done are a majority, but more of them want criminal prosecution than want what Leahy wants.
"These concerns reflect a fundamental misunderstanding of the president’s perspective as well as his role. A Truth Commission is a serious matter. In societies overcoming severe oppression or wrongdoing, Truth (or Truth and Reconciliation) Commissions can serve a critical role in healing the wounds wrought by the injustices and can promote much-needed trust, goodwill and reconciliation between the various parties. Peru, South Africa, Morocco and East Timor are just a few of the places where TRCs have helped their societies heal and have facilitated reform by acknowledging past wrongs and ensuring that the horrors of history will not be repeated."
The successes listed above are debatable, to say the least, but what in the world do they have to do with the United States? I don’t want to put that 34% of the country on trial. I just want to see a half-dozen to a dozen top officials, including Bush and Cheney, prosecuted for their crimes. Six to twelve people, not a population, not something of such magnitude and uncommon nature that our justice system can’t handle it. Our laws require the prosecution of torture and of violating the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Bush has confessed to both. Prosecute him. That is not a large or complicated task, just one that apparently some people find so difficult to grasp that it never even occurs to them.
Investigations substituted for impeachment for two full years. A "truth and reconciliation" commission as a substitute for prosecution would be counterproductive, as argued by Jonathan Turley, Peter Dyer, David Swanson, and Bob Fertik. The Justice Department itself has argued for "state secrets" blocks on prosecutions on the grounds that commissions can substitute for enforcing laws.
"Night after night, on radio talk shows, disgruntled, self-identified progressives call in to inform the host and her audience that we (the American people) can – in fact – ‘walk and chew gum at the same time’ (a response to the argument on the part of some Obama defenders that now – in the midst of the worst economic crisis in decades – is simply not the right time to focus our energies on a task of this magnitude – that such an effort would be an irresponsible distraction). Those folks, many of whom, frankly, invoke images of villagers wielding torches and pitchforks, are sadly missing the point."
The point? I think their point may be that if you allow one president to get away with crimes and abuses of powers, the following presidents will all assume they can do the same, and no matter how much you equate immunity for criminals with a bright future your future is going to be a living hell. The point, I would dare to suggest, involves ignoring and failing to respond to threats of terrorism, misspending funds, misleading Congress, creating false propaganda, invading Iraq in violation of Constitution, UN Charter, and HJRes 114, establishing bases and seeking to control resources in Iraq, allowing energy companies to secretly make public policy, providing immunity to mercenaries, wasting funds on war profiteers, detention without charge, rendition, torture, murder, imprisoning children, creating secret laws, using military domestically, spying without warrant, rewriting laws with signing statements, undermining preparedness for natural disasters and destroying economy through military waste, politicizing the Justice Department, ordering obstruction of justice, blocking prosecutions with bogus claims of "state secrets," and so on and so forth until somebody gets the point. That’s why people call talk shows; they don’t want this — and worse — in the future.
While every president belongs to some political party, that is no excuse. He or she is still required to obey laws. And every attorney general is required to enforce laws, regardless of what the current president may say to the contrary. Attorneys general used to resign when such a conflict arose. Now we simply assume that a president should dictate an attorney general’s behavior, and defend a president’s choice not to prosecute crimes.
"For starters, the Obama administration has taken as its primary goal the mission of reconciliation, not retribution. Although his efforts have been thus far frustrated by a small but dogmatic segment of the Republican Party, Obama is, in the truest sense, a unifier. It is simply not the style – politically or personally – of this president to seek the same sort of ‘justice’ desired by the pitchfork-wielding villagers. In the mind of this president (I imagine, anyway) emphasis on punishing wrongdoers runs the risk – especially in this very politically contentious climate – of only promoting divisions and inflaming precisely the wrong emotions necessary for a culture of healing – namely, anger, hostility and the desire for vengeance. To wit: one caller to a progressive radio show stated (apparently oblivious to the irony) that ‘Bush should be publicly shamed.’ Surely this person – and others like him – do not seriously believe that the appropriate response to the culture of impunity we’ve been subject to for the past eight years is the subsequent creation of a culture of retribution."
Yes, indeed, this is the horrendous part. Imagine what would happen if across the board we dismissed "justice" as a quaint notion from old Europe and ceased the prosecution of any crimes on the grounds that prosecution of crimes is a "culture of retribution." Of course we have always had a culture of retribution and it drives much of our criminal justice system, but to throw out the deterrent value of enforcing laws because some people want retribution would mean dictatorship or anarchy. John Adams hoped for a nation of laws, not of men. As we cavalierly toss out the notion of laws as something that might actually be enforced, at least for the gravest of crimes if not for the petty ones, we evolve into a nation of men, the rule of thugs. You may have to squint very hard to start to see that, if you like the current top thug a lot and think he means well and doesn’t want to be a thug. But, even there, the signs are not all positive.
Congress will still not enforce its own subpoenas, and the new Justice Department will still not enforce them. And the new White House is encouraging Congress to compromise with a witness like Karl Rove, supporting at least partially his insane claim to "executive privilege", explicitly admitting to be doing so in order to avoid weakening "the institution of the presidency." To sees this all, as many do, as progress because it brings closer the day on which Rove shows his fat face on Capitol Hill and contemptuously refuses to answer pre-arranged questions on pre-screened topics is to have gone badly adrift.
"This is not to say that the president does not hold a high regard for the rule of law, or that Bush and the others should not be held accountable for their misdeeds – which in some cases, appear to rise to the level of crimes against humanity. To the contrary – and this brings me to my second point – the rule of law can only truly be applied in an environment that is as independent from political motive as possible. If Obama were to come out openly advocating the seeking of legal retribution for the crimes of Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and the others, it could not but be regarded (accurately, in my view) as a political maneuver. Such an event would degrade the president’s legitimacy by rendering his tactics no better than those of the people he would seek to prosecute. While the president certainly can (and should) not hinder the prosecution of his predecessor and his administration should another state (who can use the ICC) or entity (such as an organized group wishing to file a class-action suit against the previous administration for harm to the group as a whole – e.g. taxpayers organization, veterans groups, etc.), it is not the job of the president himself to seek such "justice." Directly punishing their predecessors is something done by tyrants in authoritarian regimes, not by legitimate, democratic leaders in an open society. This is why it was the widely revered cleric Desmond Tutu, rather than the newly elected President Nelson Mandela, who led South Africa’s own Truth and Reconciliation Commission at the conclusion of Apartheid in that country."
This is why an attorney general is not, despite the past 8.1 years experience, supposed to be a president’s servant. This is why an attorney general can appoint a truly independent prosecutor. Of course foreign countries and international bodies should enforce our laws for us if we refuse, but why in the world should that be our official policy. This sort of thinking illustrates the dangerous repercussions of burying so far into our skulls the notion that the president is an emperor that we can’t see it or question it, that we can’t contemplate the independent existence of an attorney general or any cabinet secretary, that we can’t envision Congress as the source of legislation and refer to its bills as "Obama’s stimulus" for example. When you’ve reached the point of declaring it wrong to enforce the nation’s laws but right for an outside body to do so, it’s time to start questioning what hidden assumptions have twisted your thinking out of all rationality.
"As Americans and democratic citizens, we have an obligation to acknowledge the truth about our recent shared past and its present consequences. But this can only legitimately be done by those whose job it is to hold leaders accountable in a democratic society – the people. And it can only justly be motivated by a genuine desire to adhere to the rule of law, not by a desire to seek political retaliation. Otherwise, our collective hope for evolution beyond the stains of our recent past is nothing more than a facade for our complicity in politics as usual."
Now that’s exactly right and exactly what a lot of us are working on night and day over here: http://prosecutebushcheney.org
David Swanson is the author of the upcoming book "Daybreak: Undoing the Imperial Presidency and Forming a More Perfect Union" by Seven Stories Press and of the introduction to "The 35 Articles of Impeachment and the Case for Prosecuting George W. Bush" published by Feral House and available at Amazon.com. Swanson holds a master’s degree in philosophy from the University of Virginia. He has worked as a newspaper reporter and as a communications director, with jobs including press secretary for Dennis Kucinich’s 2004 presidential campaign, media coordinator for the International Labor Communications Association, and three years as communications coordinator for ACORN, the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now. Swanson is Co-Founder of AfterDowningStreet.org, creator of ConvictBushCheney.org and Washington Director of Democrats.com, a board member of Progressive Democrats of America, the Backbone Campaign, and Voters for Peace, a convenor of the legislative working group of United for Peace and Justice, and chair of the accountability and prosecution working group of United for Peace and Justice.