The Meaning And Perspectives of The Street Mobilizations


1.Brasil de fato: What is your analysis of the recent protests which have been shaking Brazil in the last few weeks? What is the economic basis for them to happen?

 

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JPS: The fifteen years of neoliberalism added to the last ten years of a class composition government rendered politics solely hostage of capital interests. Political parties have become old in their practices and became mere acronyms agglutinating, in its large majority, opportunists aspiring to rise up in public positions or dispute for public resources o serve their own personal interests. The youth born after the "diretas ja" [direct presidential elections now], did not have the opportunity to participate in politics. Today, in order to dispute any position, for example, for councillor, the guy needs to have more than one million reais, a deputy costs around ten million. Capitalists pay and later politicians follow orders. Young people are fed up with this bourgeois way of doing politics, strictly commercial. But what is even more serious was the fact that political parties from the institutional left, all of them, adapted to those methods. And therefore, provoked a sharp aversion to the way political parties act. The youth is not apolitical, quite the opposite, so much so that they took politics to the streets, even without being aware of its meaning. But they are saying that they can't take it anymore watching these political practices on TV, which kidnaped people's vote, based on lies and manipulation. 

 

3. And why did these manifestations only broke out now?

JPS: Probably it was a sum of several factors of mass psychology nature, rather than a planned political decision. Added to that the climate mentioned above, plus accusations of over billing for the construction of the stadiums, which the people felt was an insult. Let's look at some facts.. Globo TV received from the state government and the city of Rio, 20 million reais of public money, to organize a two hour "little show" for the draw of the games of the confederation cup. The stadium in Brasilia cost 1.4 billion and there are no public buses on the city! An explicit dictatorship imposed by FIFA which all governments submitted to. The reopening of Maracanã was a slap on the face of the Brazilian people. The pictures were clear, in the greatest temple of the world's football there was not a single black or mixed race person! And the rise of bus fares was the last drop. It was only a spark to ignite a generalized feeling of revolt, indignation. Just as well the youth woke up.

 

4. Why the working class did not take to the streets yet?

JPS: It is true the working class did not go to the streets yet. Those who are on the streets are the children from the middle classes, the low middle classes, and also some young people which Andre Singer would call subproletariat, who study and work at the service sector, who experienced an improved in their consumption status, but want to be heard. 

The reduction of the bus fair was very important for people as whole and that is were the free fare Movement got it right, they were able to call for mobilizations according to the interests of the people. And the people supported the manifestations and that was expressed by the popularity index of the youth, specially when they were repressed. 

The working class takes longer to move, but when they move, they affect capital directly. Something that has not happened yet. I think that the organizations that are mediating with the working classes have not yet understood the moment and are still a bit shy. But the class, as a class is prepared to struggle, I think. Look, the number of strikes for better salaries has already recovered the patterns of the 80s. I think it is just a matter of time, and if the mediations strike the right flags to motivate the class to move. In the last few days, one can see that in some smaller cities and in the outskirts of large cities manifestations are already starting to have very clear demands. That is very important.

 

5. AND WHAT ABOUT YOU FROM THE MST AND PEASANTS, WHO HAVE NOT MOVED YET….

 

JPS: It is true. In the capitals where we have settlements, close to family farmers we are already participating. I am also witness that we were very well received with our red flag and our demand for Agrarian Reform and healthy and cheap foods for everyone. I think in the next few weeks there will be a greater accession, including manifestations from peasants on roads and counties in the countryside. Our militancy is eager to join the fight and mobilize. I hope they also move soon…

 

6. What is your opinion about the source of the violence that is happening in some manifestations? font-family:"Verdana","sans-serif";mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";
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7. There is a class struggle on the streets then or is it only the youth manifesting their indignation? font-family:"Verdana","sans-serif";mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";
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JPS: There are many challenges. First of all we must keep in mind the nature of those manifestations, and we must all go to the streets, to fight for hearts and minds in order to politicize this youth who has no experience with class struggle. Second, the working class must move. Go to the streets, protest in the factories, fields and construction sites, as Gerald Vandre would say. Raise their demands to solve concrete class problems, in economic and political terms. 

We need to take the initiative and guide the debate in society and demand the approval of the project to reduce the working hours/week to 40 hours; demand priority of public investments in health, education and agrarian reform. To do so the government must cut interest rates and transfer resources from the primary surplus, those 200 billion that every year go to 20,000 rich, rentier, creditors of an internal debt that never existed, and switch those resources for productive and social investments. 

To approve an urgent system to be in place in the next elections, a robust political reform, which at least institutes the exclusive public financing of campaigns. The right to revoke mandates and self-called popular referendums. 

We need a tax reform and the return of ICMs [tax over the circulation of commodities] for primary exports penalizing the wealth of the rich, in order to ease taxes on the poor, who are the ones who pay more. We need the government to stop oil auctions and all privatizing concessions of minerals and other public areas. There is no point in applying the sum of oil royalties in education, if these royalties represent only 8% of the oil revenues, and the other 92% will go to transnational corporations that will have the oil in the auctions!

A structural urban reform, and a return to prioritizing zero tariff and quality public transport. It has been proven that it is not expensive, nor difficult to have free transport for the masses of the capitals. And control real estate speculation.

Finally, we need to use this opportunity and approve the project of the national conference of communication, broadly representative, for the democratization of the media. In order to end the monopoly of Globo, and for the people and their popular organizations to have broad access to communicate, creating their own media, with public resources. I have heard from several young people who are networking the marches, which perhaps is the only common call that unifies all of them: Down with Globo monopoly! 

But for these calls to have resonance in society and pressure the government and politicians, it will only happen if the working class moves. 

 

10. You from social movements submitted a letter asking for a meeting with President Dilma and she accepted and replied on TV, what are you taking to her?

JPS:Hopefully this audience will actually happen. Then, certainly social movements will indicate their young representatives who took to the streets, and who will bring to her the platform that I have described, I hope she will be sensible enough to listen to the young people. 

 

11. What should the government do now?