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Police Abuses Won’t Stifle Protests


Mark Weisbrot

"When

protest becomes effective, governments become repressive." Tom Hayden

summed it up in an axiom three decades ago, while describing his own trial on

conspiracy charges for organizing protests against the Vietnam War.

The

Seattle protests last December knocked the millenium round of WTO negotiations

out of commission, and demonstrators have faced increasingly hostile government

actions ever since. This is especially true for those who have kept to their

principles of non-violence and no destruction of property– which includes

almost everyone who showed up in Washington DC last April to protest the

International Monetary Fund and World Bank, and in Philadelphia last week for

the Republican Convention.

The

city of Philadelphia upped the ante with the arrest last week of John Sellers on

conspiracy charges, and the setting of bail– for misdemeanor charges– at one

million dollars. A higher court reduced the bail, which was more typical for a

murder suspect than someone who is accused of conspiring to block traffic, to

$100,000 on Tuesday. But the message was clear.

Sellers

heads the Ruckus Society, a group that has trained activists in the techniques

of non-violent civil disobedience. The group was instrumental in organizing both

the Seattle and Washington, D.C. protests. He was apparently singled out not for

anything he had done in Philadelphia, but for who he is. The use of special

punishments on the basis of a person’s political identity certainly contradicts

the principle that we are "a nation of laws, not of men."

Philadelphia

is not alone. In Washington DC, the police went so far as to close down the

meeting center of the organizations that were planning the protests. This was a

flagrant violation of civil liberties more commonly seen in countries like

Indonesia or Burma than in the United States. (Philadelphia police staged a

similar, almost certainly illegal raid last week on a warehouse used for making

puppets and other protest props, "preventively arresting" 70 people).

Washington police also rounded up hundreds of people on the street one night,

including some unlucky tourists, and launched "pre-emptive strikes"

against people who looked like they might be on their way to a demonstration.

Although

there were some scuffles between police and a few protestors in Philadelphia, it

is important to understand that police abuses have not been committed in

response to violence or even property damage. In Seattle, for example, a handful

of people on the fringes of the protests broke windows and overturned trash

bins. But the police mostly ignored the window-breakers and let loose their tear

gas, pepper spray, and rubber bullets on the thousands of peaceful

demonstrators.

It

may seem inflated to compare these protests to the much larger demonstrations of

the Vietnam era, but the Seattle and DC demonstrations were enormously

effective. The WTO has yet to recover from the collapse of its millenium round,

and last April’s protests in Washington gave millions of Americans their first

glimpse of the IMF and the World Bank. These two organizations head up a

creditors’ cartel that controls the major economic decisions for more than 60

countries. They are the most powerful financial institutions in the world, and

they have relied on public unawareness for 55 years to maintain– and regularly

abuse– their power.

The

protestors have solid moral authority for invoking the long-standing tradition

of non-violent civil disobedience. Martin Luther King once compared such

infractions to an ambulance going through a red light on its way to the

hospital. The issues raised by the protestors certainly have the moral urgency

that King was describing.

Fifteen

million Africans have already died from AIDS, and our government’s policies

(together with the IMF, World Bank, and WTO) could cost the lives of millions

more. Extracting the maximum debt service from these devastated countries, and

protecting US patent holders from the spread of affordable, generic anti-AIDS

drugs, appear to remain as these institutions top priorities.

At

home, we now have nearly two million prisoners languishing behind bars, hundreds

of thousands convicted on drug charges for which no civilized society would

incarcerate them.

These

are among the issues that the mostly young people whom Philadephia Police

Commissioner John Timoney described as "a cadre of criminal

conspirators" have sought to bring to public attention.

Million

dollar bail, conspiracy charges, illegal raids, and police abuses are unlikely

to be any more effective than tear gas and pepper spray in discouraging these

protests. Nor will Mayor Street’s threat to prosecute low grade misdemeanor

charges "to the full extent of the law." He should take a lesson from

Washington, DC and release the protesters still being held in Philadelphia’s

jails.

Mark

Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in

Washington, DC.