Rachael Kamel is a founding member of the Jewish Mobilization for a Just Peace, a grassroots organization in
Last year, not long after the September 11 attack on the
This ludicrous and blatantly anti-Semitic tale began making the rounds of the Internet shortly after the WTC attacks. Groups that monitor the extremist Right documented its appearance in the newsletters and websites of various white supremacist and neo-nazi organizations throughout last fall. It even cropped up in a variety of foreign media outlets.
It was certainly chilling to hear this kind of trash spoken out loud â€” an unwelcome reminder that thereâ€™s always plenty of cultural sewage coursing beneath the streets of our collective awareness. But, well, there really wasnâ€™t much more to say (or do) about it. So far, unfortunately, no one has found a cure for conspiracy theories â€” or, for that matter, for idiotic urban legends.
This tired tale suddenly became news last week, when it made a cameo appearance in a lengthy poem by Amiri Baraka, a longtime Black radical who is currently the poet laureate of
I was curious enough to look up the full text of the poem in question, entitled â€œSomebody Blew Up America.â€ In addition to the allusion that has caused all the controversy, it also references other signal moments in Jewish political memory, including the assassination of Rosa Luxembourg, the Reichstag fire, the World War II-era pro-Nazi â€œAmerica Firstâ€ movement, and the execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, casualties of the McCarthy era.
The trouble is, none of these statements could remotely be considered anti-Semitic; each of them, in terms of both content and the way they are framed, affirms Jewish humanity and historic moments in Jewish struggles for justice. And thatâ€™s without even mentioning the other 95 percent of this poem, which calls out milestones in historic struggles for justice and freedom around the globe â€” as well as key moments in the history of racism and repression.
Let me be clear that Iâ€™m not looking for ways to explain away Barakaâ€™s anti-Semitic allusion. The story he repeats is both ridiculous and offensive; conspiracy theories about mysterious and menacing Jewish power have been a staple of anti-Semitic iconography for centuries. My point is rather to raise some questions about whatâ€™s going on here: about how and why a story like this becomes news, and what happens then. Questions, above all, about what we risk, and what we lose, when we react to incidents like this without exploration, without nuance, and without context. As if, so to speak, such matters were entirely black and white, with no shades of gray.
The Anti-Defamation League has played a prominent role in condemning this poem and relating it to what they term Barakaâ€™s long history of anti-Semitism. Within a few days of the poemâ€™s public performance, their website displayed a lengthy page of quotes from his writings to prove their point. In reality, all but two of the quotes are criticisms either of Israeli policy or of attempts by U.S.-based institutions to suppress such criticisms, mostly dating back to the 1970s and 1980s. The ADL even quotes a 1980 essay by Baraka, â€œConfessions of a Former Anti-Semite,â€ perhaps so they can include some of the language from his writings in the 1960s that he himself was repudiating. Their evidence that his â€œconfessionâ€ was not to be believed? A paragraph in which he distinguishes Jewish people and the Jewish religion from his critique of Zionism and its supporters.
Now, you can agree with Baraka or disagree with him, you can like his poetry or dislike it, you can appreciate the militance of his tone or find it distasteful. But all of that is a far cry from believing that he should be stripped of his honorary public position, his voice silenced and disgraced. In that context, itâ€™s hard not to understand the whole controversy as the latest salvo in the battle to brand any and all criticism of
â€œAnti-Semitismâ€ has become one of those epithets, like â€œcommunismâ€ or â€œterrorism,â€ that tell you itâ€™s time to circle the wagons and, above all, stop thinking. The very suggestion that a little thoughtful consideration might be helpful is held to be equivalent to condoning prejudice, hate violence, or even mass murder.
Do we have any alternatives to kneejerk condemnation (or equally kneejerk defense) of Baraka or any other public figure accused of anti-Semitism? Here are just a few of the questions we might be talking about . . . if we wanted to open up our understanding, rather than choosing up sides so we can end the discussion:
· Inside the American Jewish community, even at its most liberal fringes, vocal alarm over anti-Semitism is increasing sharply â€” not in response to incidents of anti-Jewish violence (which have scarcely occurred in the United States), but in direct proportion to the emergence of activist campaigns supporting economic sanctions against Israel. Such campaigns, which target
· Where anti-Jewish violence has occurred, for example in
· Denouncing anti-Semitism, while keeping silent about attempts to suppress open discussions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, only strengthens the hand of those who want to silence such discussions. Just this week, hundreds of college presidents lent their names to a full-page ad in the New York Times decrying the intimidation of Jewish students on various campuses. Only a handful refused to sign unless the ad also condemned the censorship on campus of Palestinian and other anti-Occupation voices. While the former problem certainly merits public condemnation, the latter is currently the focus of a white-hot battle raging at campuses across the country. In just the past couple of weeks, pressure from â€œpro-Israelâ€ groups has induced SUNY New Paltz to withdraw funding from a feminist conference on women and war, because conference organizers had invited a speaker from the Israeli peace movement (psychiatrist Ruchama Marton, the founder of Physicians for Human Rights in
· Meanwhile, while Jewish communities, campuses, elected officials, and just plain folks around the country are locked in battles about what you can say about the Middle East and how you can say it, the main thing weâ€™re not talking about is what is actually going on right now in Israel and Palestine. Palestinian communities have been essentially on lockdown for more than 100 days, denied access to education, employment, commerce, medical care, and any vestige of normal life. The infrastructure of Palestinian society has been blasted into smithereens, as have hundreds of Palestinian homes. With the death toll of the past two years approaching 2,000, every day brings new stories of shootings of Palestinian civilians, including in their own homes, by the Israeli military. Most recently, the emergence of a new movement of nonviolent mass resistance to the Occupation, which has included open defiance of the â€œcurfewâ€ by Palestinians reopening schools and walking the streets of their communities, has gone almost completely unremarked.
· The blame game â€” endless, fruitless arguments about who is at fault, who is a victim, who is a terrorist, whose actions are justified, and whose are not â€” has almost completely displaced consideration of the simple human facts (and the staggering human costs) of the Occupation, including the considerable costs to Israeli society (where nearly 600 people have lost their lives in the past two years, to say nothing of the economic and political costs). If you care about Palestinians, you must not care about Israelis â€” and vice versa.
· Returning for a moment to Amiri Baraka, havenâ€™t we all been down this road a thousand times before? An African American figure makes an anti-Semitic remark, and the institutionalized Jewish community leaps in arms â€” to demand an apology, demand a retraction, demand that whoever it is be banished from public life. Does anyone honestly believe that this is helpful? Does it promote greater understanding and community cohesion? Greater safety for Jewish people? Does it open up more space for dialogue? Or does it promote increased polarization, resentment, and mutual incomprehension?
· Why is the focus always on anti-Semitism in the African American community? Are we supposed to believe that just as many white Christians donâ€™t harbor anti-Semitic beliefs and stereotypes? Why do they never become the object of one of these media feeding frenzies? We might raise the same question about the Muslim world in general. Itâ€™s fashionable these days to denounce anti-Jewish statements from the Arab and Muslim world â€” and thereâ€™s certainly plenty of material to work with. One thing that is never mentioned, however, is that the entire body of myths and stereotypes circulating through the Arab press originated in the Christian west. Another thing that drops out of the picture are the Arab and Muslim voices, in the
· In the end, in our alarm over anti-Semitism, we are reinforcing the exact ways of thinking that make anti-Semitism so dangerous: treating an entire ethnic group or religion as monolithic, holding every member of the group collectively responsible for real or imagined misdeeds, and flattening out our understanding of huge chunks of humanity into a one-dimensional caricature. The complexity of community life, the diversity of opinion and interpretation, the ambiguities of history, the gulfs of understanding across cultures â€” all are erased as irrelevant. In the process,
· Meanwhile, the self-appointed guardians of Jewish safety â€” the institutionalized Jewish mainstream â€” has planted itself firmly on the side of U.S. and Israeli militarism, a stance from which it brooks no dissent: not from American Jews, not from Israelis, and certainly not from anyone else. Are these the people who should be guarding the boundaries of acceptable discourse, not only in their own community but across the board? Shouldnâ€™t we at least be able to talk about whether unrestrained
â€œSomebody Blew Up
Is the reference to â€œ4000 Israeli workers at the